{"id":75,"date":"2020-03-22T03:42:24","date_gmt":"2020-03-22T03:42:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/review.imagined.my\/wordpress-5.3.2\/wordpress\/?p=75"},"modified":"2020-07-30T13:49:56","modified_gmt":"2020-07-30T13:49:56","slug":"impression-representation-modernity-in-the-eyes-of-the-malay-intelligentsia-in-the-1930s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/review.imagined.my\/?p=75","title":{"rendered":"Impression\u2014Representation: Modernity in the Eyes of the Malay Intelligentsia in the 1930s"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/drive.google.com\/file\/d\/1iVo7qcatW2WiX40Z2aKDOOA2vSuJiIrz\/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\"><\/iframe>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"donation\">\n<h3><ion-icon name=\"card-outline\" size=\"large\"><\/ion-icon> Enjoyed this article? Want to tip the author?<\/h3>\nFollow the instructions below:\n<br><br>\nStep 1: Bank in to our account Persatuan Sejarah Anak Muda, Maybank, 512316642160\n<br><br>\nStep 2: In the reference section name the author you&#8217;re tipping.\n<br><br>\nStep 3: Please email details of your tip to jeremy@imagined.my\n<br><br>\nThanks!\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"\u201cThe stage presents things that are make-believe; presumably life presents things that are real and sometimes not well rehearsed. More important, perhaps, on the stage one player presents himself in the guise of a character to characters projected by other players; the audience constitutes a third party to the interaction \u2013 one that is essential and yet, one that would not be there. In real life, the three parties are compressed into two; the part one individual plays is tailored to the parts played by the others present, and yet these others also constitute the audience.\u201d \n\u2013 Erving Goffman\n\u201c\u2026it is only through the way in which we represent and imagine ourselves that we come to know how we are constituted and who we are. There is no escape from the politics of representation, and we cannot wield \u201chow life really is out there\u201d as a kind of test against which the political rightness or wrongness of a particular strategy or text can be measured.\u201d\n\u2013 Stuart Hall\n\u201cWhat else am I going to be able to invent?\u201d\n\u2013 Jacques Derrida\n\n\nThe 1930s was a tumultuous decade marked by increasing competition between established and rising empires, the Great Depression, and heightening conflicts in the colonies of empires. The period is often characterised by two opposing forces: on the one hand, rising nationalisms within the colonies of empires and on the other hand, increasing internationalist impulses and transnational connections. The latter was characterised by an increasing global interconnectivity driven by the expansion of imperialist modes of production and distribution, which enabled significant imports and exports of goods and services to third world nations. This also entailed the import of cultural products\u2014or cultures in general\u2014from export nations such as America and Britain, contributing to the growing consumption culture amongst these nations to-be. In Malaya, its cultural implications can be observed in the growing segment of Malays who exhibited cosmopolitan tendencies, indicated by their modern appearance and outlook. Their presence, however, was seen by the Malay intelligentsia as disruptive to the consolidation of Malay identity. In this essay I observe how this new segment of Malays were perceived and portrayed in visual images by the Malay intelligentsia; and, following that, how the latter appropriated this growing segment as an object of contrast in advancing their version of Malay ideals.\n\nConsuming Modernity in 1930s Malaya\nIn the context of the 1930s, modernity entailed a relative condition of varied imitations unique to specific locales or societies that diverged from the \u2018Western archetype\u2019. Viewed in this way, it can be argued that modernity is a condition that assumes a specific character presupposed by rules, values, and paradigms of a particular society in a dialectical, and sometimes dialogic, relation. Nevertheless, one should not also forget the generalising tendency of modernity expressed through its distinct mode of social organisation, built upon the expansion of the capitalist mode of production, that \nsupersedes traditional society. The effect modernity has on the cultural realm of 1930s Malaya is most noticeable in port cities; in this case, Singapore.\nThe kind of modernity observed here in 1930s Singapore was, albeit crudely put, cosmopolitan modernity. While colonial modernity is generally understood for its structural implications (in the establishment of modern institutions, education systems, transportation networks, etc.) with regards to the development of colonial society, cosmopolitan modernity can also said to be concerned more with the cultural dimension, or more precisely its day-to-day vernacular expression by individuals within a specific locality. That is to say, it is concerned with how individuals or natives, so to speak, accommodate and adapt to the growing heterogeneity within their society. Furthermore, cosmopolitanism as an accompanying adjective suggests a reality in which individuals, through their respective cultural experiences, realise their dual role both as natives at home and, at the same time, as citizens of a larger global community. Such a realisation, of the existence of another worlds beyond and\/or within their familiar surroundings creates, as aptly described by Su Lin Lewis, a kind of \u201cdouble consciousness\u201d where:\nOn the one hand\u2026 cosmopolitanism as a consciousness of belonging to a larger global world above and beyond that of a particular community or nation-state, one made possible through the experience of modernity, which rendered the world at once larger (in complexity), smaller (in connectedness) and more universally comprehensible through the spread of modern education, print-culture, cinema and technology. At the same time, cosmopolitanism is also a consciousness of living in a particular multicultural society, in which individuals draw upon and reshape their own group traditions through cross-cultural dialogue in a dynamic public sphere.\nIt is no coincidence that port cities like Singapore were the first to portray an apparent cosmopolitan character. Freer movement of goods and people in an age without passports or definite boundaries saw high levels of transnational migration, especially in the Malay Archipelago, a migration typically concentrated in port cities. Being the centre for British administration and the main hub in the region, Singapore would usually be the first place in Malaya to receive international news and the latest imports of technology, fashion, films, entertainment, etc. This ensured on the one hand, the concentration of peoples from various places and cultures who largely settled in the city, creating a type of polyglot society that further enriched its cultural heterogeneity. Such diversity informs us about the possible dynamic interactions between members of communities in that society. Whilst, on the other hand, imported goods especially entertainment and lifestyle-related products were not merely distributed goods but were attached to certain cultural paradigms and social attributes. That is to say, the consumption of this type of goods was in itself an act of consuming cultures and worldviews associated with the goods, and by extension carried a symbolic meaning with which distinct social traits, or perhaps class, were constituted and represented. \nConsequently, we now find ourselves looking at how locals accommodated and responded to \u2018influences\u2019 of cosmopolitan modernity in Singapore. Mica Nava reminds us that while debates about cosmopolitanism flourish in \u201cspheres of political philosophy, sociology and postcolonial criticism,\u201d but it has, \u201con the whole ignored specific histories of the cosmopolitan imagination and its vernacular expression in everyday life.\u201d In other words, it refers to cosmopolitanism in practice, in which distinctive preference and taste along with paradigm shifts born from individuals\u2019 cosmopolitan experience were reflected in their attitudes towards their surroundings, which typically could be observed in cities.\nYet contrary to the conscious appreciation of cosmopolitan ideals by cosmopolites like Gordon Selfridge, vocabularies that explicitly expressed such ideals were seemingly absent amongst Malay urban dwellers in Singapore. Rather, the latter\u2019s expression of cosmopolitanism stops at the portrayal of tangible cosmopolitan features i.e. preference and taste in fashion, entertainment and lifestyle, pastime activities, and type of jobs. These aspects of portrayal very much became the defining characteristics\u2014and stereotype\u2014of what I call the rising Malay salaried class at the time i.e. Malay urban dwellers who portray a degree of Western (read: modern) disposition (in appearance, lifestyle, or thinking), subscribe to waged labour (usually menial office jobs as low-level clerks or peons), and have developed consumption habits to a certain degree. \t\nThat said, theories of cosmopolitanism tend to be based on the optimistic assumption of the creation of global citizens, made possible by the rapidly \u2018shrinking\u2019 world, would be readily embraced by receiving parties i.e. the natives, thus placing a larger emphasis on aspects of transnationality rather than how locals reconcile with the juggernaut of modernity and its paraphernalia. A prevalent perception shared amongst people of Malaya at the time, especially the older generation, saw modernity as a threat to the continuity of their cultural traditions. Straits Echo in Penang, for instance, saw mixed reception for the \u201cModern Girl\u201d trend. On the one hand, there was an increasing awareness around the freedom of women with regards to their public and private life, especially amongst the younger generations; whereas on the other hand, the growing \u201cliberality\u201d amongst women also invited cautionary remarks especially from the Straits Chinese on the need to balance one\u2019s own cultural identity with Western influence. Discussions in Straits Echo as observed by Lewis indicates a growing awareness amongst its readers on the importance of progress and being up-to-date with contemporary global developments but at the same time not forgetting one\u2019s own cultural roots.\nSimilarly, suspicions over modernity found in most Malay newspapers were primarily concerned with its cultural implications for Malay cultural traditions vis-\u00e0-vis identity. While much of the writings generally acknowledged the notion of progress attached to the term, they were typically presented in a cautious manner by selectively highlighting aspects of modernity that were useful to the progress of Malay society. Readers were also reminded of the danger of blind subscription to \u2018modern culture\u2019 frequently associated with the social and economic impoverishment plaguing Malay society at the time. In many instances, the Malay salaried class became a frequent target of criticism by the Malay intelligentsia as the former were seen to exhibit ideals foreign to what ought to be a traditional Malay way of life. \n\n\nCreating Other Malays\nCriticisms of the negative effect of modernity on Malays, while often laden with nationalistic tendencies, can also be read as depicting the social condition of the Malays as observed by the intelligentsia of the time. \u201cThe power of the texts\u201d, observed Kolster &amp; Maier, \u201cis an ambiguous one: they may not only be regarded as providing examples for imitations, but can also\u2014albeit not without risks\u2014be read as reflections of Malay reality.\u201d The immediate nature of newspapers\u2014at least in that era\u2014informs us of real-time responses to issues concerning the Malays, thus allowing us to develop a further understanding on the context of the period. More so, visual materials can deepen our understanding of the period through imageries that better present characteristics unable to be captured by writings.\n\u2018Modern\u2019 became a pejorative term employed by Malay intelligentsia to indicate a form of cultural degeneration. Similar to how the Modern Girl was lamented by cultural advocates as an abandonment of one\u2019s own cultural roots, the Malay salaried class was regarded as the archetype of individuals who had been corrupted by Western influence by abandoning their Malay way of life. As mentioned above, this segment of Malays often became a frequent target of criticism as well as a prime example for the general Malay masses as to the danger of Western influences, which can be observed in a range of caricatures produced at the time.\nFigure 1 below is a caricature by Abd. Manan addressing the blind subscription to, and excessive fascination with Western lifestyle amongst urban Malays. The male and female apes in the cartoon are depicted as walking on their two legs and dressing awkwardly in Western attire while putting on a proud face, perhaps pleased with their newly acquired status. But the animals in the forest seem baffled by their appearance and find it amusing. The contrast in expressions between the apes and other animals in the forest (which serves as the context or locality) highlights the ignorance of those who blindly applied Western culture to their surroundings. In the sense that these \u2018modern\u2019 Malays were not aware that, far from being \u2018civilised\u2019, they were only being delusional by trying to imitate things that are not compatible either with them or the local context, thus making them seem ridiculous and out of place. The title, \u201cBarat Tinggal di Barat\u2013Timur Tinggal di Timur\u201d, successfully captures the criticism of the caricature and clearly indicates the cultural incompatibilities between the East and the West.\n\nFigure 1 \u201cBarat Tinggal di Barat\u2014Timur Tinggal di Timur\u201d, Abd. Manan, Warta Jenaka, 7 September 1936.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nThe style and critical humour here is typical of Malay editorial cartoons at the time that adopt allegorical and symbolic approaches found in Malay classical literature to convey messages. Whether explicitly or implicitly, caricatures of the era relied heavily on the use of Malay proverbs as an element of critical humour. The depiction of ape or monkey in many of these caricatures is easily recognised by its audience as an object of ridicule since monkeys have long played a central role (whether as a contrast or example) in Malay society. The proverb that aptly expresses this caricature could very well be bagai kera mendapat bunga which means those who do not know how to properly make use of things that they have obtained.\nA similar approach can be observed in a caricature by Abdullah Abas (Figure 2). While the illustration itself is rather crude, the employment of proverbs and symbolic imageries successfully convey its message. Again, apes are used as a symbolic image to represent\u2014and ridicule\u2014urban Malays who have been charmed by Western culture. The dancing apes (representing Eastern and Western cultures) baffles the Arab man and snake watching them, indicating a phenomenon that concerns the cartoonist. The message is explicitly conveyed by the image of peanuts and pods as well as the dialogue that occurs between them, which immediately reminds us of the proverb bagai kacang lupakan kulit. Special note should be given to the illustration of the Arab man and the snake on tree. The Arab man could very well represent piousness (good, justice) while the snake reminds us of the story of the Devil (bad, evil) who disguises himself as a snake to lure Adam and Eve to eat the forbidden fruits on the tree. It is as if implying that even the Devil himself is confused by the actions of these men; also, as it is not acknowledged by the religion (Arab man), those who subscribe to Western culture are deemed to be irreligious and immoral.\n \tFigure 2 Abdullah Abas, Warta Jenaka, 23 November 1936.\n\tCaption:\n\tArab: Subhanallah! Moden Barat moden Timur.\n\tUlar: Hairan.\n\tKulit: Kulit kata mari.\n\tKacang: Kacang kata \u201cAku moden.\u201d\n\nBoth caricatures inform us that impressions of the \u2018modern\u2019 Malays not only deal with the tangible aspects of modernity exhibited by its subscribers, but also criticises their values, attitudes, and world outlook. Figure 1 for instance can also imply that \u2018modern\u2019 Malays would never truly be seen (or recognised) as modern even if they change their appearance since they would forever be Malay at heart. Modern might their appearance be, yet they will be betrayed by their own behaviour that can not fully adjust to modern culture and, consequently, can only end in them ridiculing themselves.\nSimilar criticism can be found in Wak Ketok\u2019s column, a satirical character created by Ali Sanat (cartoonist) and Abdul Rahim Kajai (writer), that consistently appeared in Utusan Zaman since its first publication until the outbreak of World War Two. It can be regarded as one of the earliest Malay trademark characters. Figure 3 below explicitly criticises the uncouthness of Malays who appeared to be modern. The image depicts Wak Ketok dancing with a foreign lady in a cabaret club. Similar to Figure 1, it criticises the attitude of those Malays who perceive themselves as being elevated in social status by becoming Westernised; but, as mentioned above, they could not fit in completely and will only be making fun of themselves. In this case, Wak Ketok\u2019s biological feature is conspicuous amongst the Western crowd. Moreover, his inept dancing, that becomes a nuisance to others, only makes him look ridiculous and out of place. This image immediately informs readers of the unnatural and awkward character of Westernised Malays despite their modern appearance.\n\tFigure 3 Wak Ketok, Utusan Zaman, 14 January 1940.\nFurthermore, Wak Ketok has a special term for this segment of Malay i.e. sporting spirit, denoting a segment of modernised, cosmopolitan Malays who largely reside in the city and, being corrupted by Western modernity, exhibit a fondness for modern lifestyle characterised by, amongst others, lavishness and extravagance, excessive consumption of entertainment and leisure activities, and disregard of family life. Sporting spirit Malays were often portrayed in Western attires (revealing swimming suit, dress, or short kebaya for women; pants, shirts, and ties for men), work in menial salaried jobs, living in debt to sustain their lavish lifestyle, and suffering from inverted domestic roles (emasculated husbands dominated by their wives).\nIn many of his criticisms, Wak Ketok tends to associate sporting spirit with women, usually referring to modernised young women who are often portrayed in an alluring way and who require a fortune to maintain their upkeep. In one issue, Wak Ketok gives a satirical advice to its readers saying that:\nSporting spirit girls all have a superior attitude, firm, stubborn, but if you are clever enough you can court them on the condition that you cater to each and every one of their wish. When she wishes to go sightseeing or dancing, do not resist. You should let her do whatever she wants, and certainly she will love you\u2026 and surely you know that men who permit their wives to be swarmed by other men are the indication of honourable men with pure thoughts.\nSimply put, sporting spirit is a stereotype of cultural degeneration attributed to Malays who have embraced a modern lifestyle at the expense of abandoning their cultural roots, which specifically refers to the Malay salaried class. Attaching negative values and characteristics foreign to common Malay practice to sporting spirit Malays is meant to distinguish them with the general Malay mass and further exclude them from being part of Malay identity formation.\n\n\n\nPortraying Nation\nThe exclusion of un-Malay-like characteristics occurs simultaneously with the highlighting of essential traits that are deemed as authentic Malay traditions. Such a representation acts to differentiate what is Malay and what is not Malay\u2014with the Malay salaried class represented as other Malays, that should be denounced. In the sense that the element of contrast functions to delimit the boundaries of a Malay core ethnie as well as shape the mores of Malay salaried class at the time to exclude elements that were deemed un-Malay in the cultural sense.\nThe process of caricature in Figure 4 (p. 40) is interesting to observe. Rather than an allegorical and symbolic approach, the East-West dichotomy here is realistically represented in the type of jobs taken by Malays. The element of contrast lies in the composition of two distinctly recognisable features indicated by costumes and landscapes inherent to the type of work common to Malays at the time. On the left side, a salary worker and his wife donning Western attire walking towards a generic-looking building; whereas on the right side, a farmer and his wife in their traditional Malay attire walk along vast patches of land towards their house. The contrast in landscape here gives off a different feeling to each scenario, which one can immediately notice as the city and kampung. The left side (city) exudes a rather confined and restless atmosphere while the right side (kampung) gives off a more relaxed and peaceful vibes. The short caption accompanying the image makes the intended message clearer to readers that traditional work or kerja kampung would be more beneficial to Malays, both economically and psychologically, rather than working a salaried job in the city.\nThe call for Malays to \u201ctill the lands\u201d has practical economic reasoning behind it, inregards to the preservation and increase of Malay-owned lands, whilst the association with the Gemeinschaft ideal expressed in the representation of kampung landscape as a setting perceived to be natural to Malays reflects a dream of an imagined Malay nation signified, first and foremost, by strict adherence to the Malay way of life. Thus, the notion of landscape here should be understood as a constructed space imbued with inherent attributes unique to people who bound themselves to that particular landscape, where identity is enmeshed, solidified, and materialised into a tangible representation of a community. It contains within it social and historical imaginations that are continuously expressed, reproduced, and appropriated by members of that particular community to maintain the wholeness of their identity. As such, the contrast in Figure 4 not only serves as a criticism but also an act of reinforcing Malay identity by way of embellishing traits familiar to Malays.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nFigure 4 Amir Hamzah, Warta Jenaka, 23 November 1936.\nThe caption says: Pak tani laki isteri orang masa dahulu bendangnya luas, tanam-tanamannya jadi, hiduplah ia dengan mewah dan kesenangan. Abang kerani laki isteri orang masa sekarang makan gaji, habis bulan habis gaji tetapi selalu terhutang.\n[The farmer and his wife from the older generation own vast lands. All of his crops bear fruits and thus, he live a prospered and blessed life. The clerk and his wife from the current generation took up salaried jobs. They live from paycheck to paycheck and barely make ends meet and burdened with debt.]\nThe essentialisation of the trio work-landscape-costume, as characteristics inherently Malay, serves as a frame of reference captured in the image of the kampung whereby the representation of the ideal Malay self is founded upon. In this image, what at first appears to be a typical depiction of the Malay community immediately gained its prescriptiveness as observed in the choice of words used to address the conflict between Malay traditionalism and modernity. The preference for kerja kampung and the reference to the \u201colder generation\u201d (orang masa dahulu) implies the work being traditional to Malay society and thus constitutes an aspect of Malayness. Opposed to the traditional Malay is the Malay salaried class, the current generation (orang masa sekarang), who, upon abandoning their \u2018traditional\u2019 work for modern lifestyle, came to be regarded as other Malays. \nSuch insistence on going back to Malay traditional work persisted until the war. A caricature by Ali Sanat in Figure 5 below portrays a semblance to Figure 4. On the right side stood a Malay advocate in the middle of a rice field (captioned: tanah bendang [literally tilled land]) wearing traditional baju Melayu while being surrounded by eight Malay peasants cultivating the land. Whereas on the left side stood a young generation of Malays in Western attire wearing a skeptical look on their faces. The Malay advocate is calling the youngsters to join him in cultivating the land. The element of contrast used here is similar to Figure 4 where the \u2018traditional\u2019 Malays are depicted as staying on open and spacious land; whereas the other Malays are portrayed behind railings, an indication of their minds being shackled by modernity.\nFigure 5 \u201cSeruan Penganjur Melayu\u201d, Ali Sanat, Utusan Zaman, 24 December 1939.\nSeorang penganjur Melayu yang tulus ikhlas yang berdiri di tengah sawah di dalam gambar di sebelah ini berseru katanya, \u201cWahai anak-anak muda Melayu! Janganlah tuan-tuan menjerit-jerit mengatakan kesusahan hendak mendapat pekerjaan peon pun. Janganlah tuan-tuan berpeluk tubuh tetapi turunlah ke sawah seperti orang yang berlima ini di hadapan aku ini dan bertiga di belakang aku. Capailah cangkul-mangkul yang terlangkup di hadapan tuan-tuan itu sedia menanti dan tanah-tanah sawah yang luas di Sungai Manik, Perak dan di Tanjung Karang, Kuala Selangor menanti juga. Harta ada bermiliun-miliun di tengah sawah sebab dalam tahun 1938 ada 767,462 tan beras dibawa masuk dan habis dimakan orang di Malaya harganya $45,452,333. Tuan-tuan boleh merampas sebahagian besar daripada wang ini jikalau tuan-tuan turun ke sawah. Kerja sawah itu perut kenyang hati senang, beribadat senang dan jauh daripada kesusahan yang ditanggung oleh orang-orang yang bekerja peon dan penjalan motokar.\u201d\nThat said, what makes the rendering of the kampung a nationalist landscape sustained throughout the period up until the present, is the presence of an actually existing model at the time that is Kampung Melayu (est. 1929), a brainchild of Mohd. Eunos Abdullah of Kesatuan Melayu Singapura, in Singapore. As stated by Kahn:\nKampung Melayu was no mere \u201cimagined community\u201d, except to the extent that all communities are manifestations or expressions of human cultural meanings. It was a real, living community, a place where the concrete social interactions that \u201cimagined nations\u201d are supposed to replace continued take place. Thus, on the one hand, Kampung Melayu was a product of a nationalist dream of a racially homogenous geographical space. On the other hand, it was never the unmediated socio-spatial expression of the ideas of the nationalist intellectuals of the period\u2026\nThe kampung is thus no more a nationalist dream but an actualised space that continuously reproduces and further sustains the representation of the ideal Malay self. The notion of kampung\u2014after the establishment of Kampung Melayu\u2014ceased to be a mere living space imbued with heterogeneous characters constituted by a particular type of community or locality, but came to assume a generic meaning that is a natural setting for Malays where they \u201ccould build their own houses, plant a few fruit trees and live among their own people in the manner to which they were accustomed.\u201d. Speaking of the kampung, then, would invoke a particular geographical and socio-cultural entity which serves as a tangible cultural marker that is definitive of the Malay and by extension, Malayness.\n\nConclusion\nThe Malay salaried class, or other Malays, is a representation of a social aberration whereby identity born from the cosmopolitan condition of the city stops maintaining its wholeness, and thus becoming fragmented and temporal, fluid and bricolaged, multiple and situational; and as Marshall Berman repeatedly reminds us, the city\u2014as the fa\u00e7ade of modernity\u2014is where all that is solid melts into air. Here, the kampung landscape is by no means insignificant in the act of reinforcing the Malay identity in which the notion of Malayness was interrogated and reinterpreted through a careful mediation by acts of inclusion and exclusion of certain traits, motivations, and representations in the imagining of the ideal Malay self. \">\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>by Razan Rose&#8217;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"templates\/template-full-width.php","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[22,19,21,20,23],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v18.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Impression\u2014Representation: Modernity in the Eyes of the Malay Intelligentsia in the 1930s - Imagined Malaysia Review<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/review.imagined.my\/?p=75\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Impression\u2014Representation: Modernity in the Eyes of the Malay Intelligentsia in the 1930s - 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