{"id":70,"date":"2020-03-22T03:48:31","date_gmt":"2020-03-22T03:48:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/review.imagined.my\/wordpress-5.3.2\/wordpress\/?p=70"},"modified":"2020-07-30T13:59:31","modified_gmt":"2020-07-30T13:59:31","slug":"manufacturing-hegemony-and-fracturing-opposition","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/review.imagined.my\/?p=70","title":{"rendered":"Manufacturing Hegemony and Fracturing Opposition"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/drive.google.com\/file\/d\/1vGZXFXPHIsefv4TQxjtOyc-znF_O-0mH\/preview\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\"><\/iframe>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"donation\">\n<h3><ion-icon name=\"card-outline\" size=\"large\"><\/ion-icon> Enjoyed this article? Want to tip the author?<\/h3>\nFollow the instructions below:\n<br><br>\nStep 1: Bank in to our account Persatuan Sejarah Anak Muda, Maybank, 512316642160\n<br><br>\nStep 2: In the reference section name the author you&#8217;re tipping.\n<br><br>\nStep 3: Please email details of your tip to jeremy@imagined.my\n<br><br>\nThanks!\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n <meta name='description' content='Participation without Democracy: Containing Conflict in Southeast Asia\nProfessor Garry Rodan, Murdoch University\nIn the engineering of political institutions, the participation of ordinary people in the policy design and decision-making process is often seen as a positive. In the realm of democractic discourse, inclusion in the widest possible sense is seen as the ideal to achieve. Within this discourse, the history of Southeast Asian democracy has been varied, its societies often categorised as transitional at best and authoritarian at worst. \nIt is in the debate of hybrid regimes that Prof. Garry Rodan of Murdoch University makes his intervention. He puts aside the mere analysis of whether a regime is democractic or authoritarian, asking us to look at whose interests do these newly introduced institutions of participation and representation actually serve rather than how well they function on a technical level. \nHe unpacks this question with a number of novel approaches. Firstly, he uses a modes of participation (MOP) framework which categorises institutions according to their ideologies of representation (democratic, populist, consultative and particularist) and MOPs (individualised political expression, civil society expression, societal incorporation and administrative incorporation). Second, he situates the role of capitalism in creating the shift in societal forces and thus how that shapes the state\u2019s response to it through said institutions. Using these premises, he weaves a narrative in which a host of social forces are contending for relevance in these institutions, given their competing ideologies, and helps us think about said institutions that appear benign or even noble, as elite-dominated instruments, honed to deny oxygen or introduce conflict into oppositional politics and independent organising. \nThe book contextualises the individual cases by giving the reader a brief history of the political economy of the three countries he has chosen. Singapore is seen to be developed through a state capitalism helmed by the remarkably cohesive, technocratic elites of the People\u2019s Action Party (PAP). In taking its place with the other East Asian economies as an Asian Tiger, Singapore has had to contend with social forces of its own making, notably an increasingly conscious middle class that attempts to create its own political space, and a suppressed working class that has to deal with the crushing pressures of high cost of living and depressed wages. The development of the Philippines is continually shadowed by the dominance of its oligarchic dynasties. Thanks to the Spanish and American colonial powers, these regional families were able to entrench themselves and maintain a cozy relationship with the newly independent Filipino state. As their accumulation regimes create greater and greater inequality, the state is forced to respond to popular pressures as it negotiates with its pay masters. Malaysia is characterised by the political management of contradiction-ridden state capitalism and its particularist ideology of race and religion. A legacy of British colonialism, the same particularism framed the \u2018power sharing\u2019 rhetoric of the 1970 New Economic Policy (NEP). This arrangement began to breakdown over the decades as the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition\u2019s accumulation regime exacerbated inequalities, even at an intra-race level.  \nRodan begins with the country, Singapore, that has most successfully developed and utilised a set of institutions meant to solidify the PAP\u2019s rule while maintaining the veneer of non-partisanship. He expounds on the short history of the Nominated Member of Parliament (NMPs) and how it was created as a particularist and technocratic solution to the perceived dominance of the PAP. People were nominated for their ethnicity, expertise and organisational background, be it labour, business or civil society. He documents the limits of this institution insofar as these NMPs views were often sidelined and the appointments meant that they could be replaced if they stepped out of line. More importantly, it fragmented the wider civil society as it encourages them to work on \n\ntheir respective agendas rather than forming civil society organisation (CSO) coalitions, or worse still, engage with opposition parties.\nIn what Rodan terms as Singapore\u2019s \u2018consultative authoritarianism\u2019, we see a PAP regime that is highly responsive and flexible in using public consultation to socially engineer and beat back challenges to their rule. Beginning with the Feedback Unit in 1985, the PAP deals with the inequality resulting from rapid capitalist development by creating a ministry-supported initiative to elicit suggestions and feedback from the public. Rodan shows this consultative initiative is used to manage perceptions and shore up the legitimacy of the PAP in response to electoral defeats (mainly coming from the Workers\u2019 Party which won in 2011 in working class areas) and rising cost of living. This chapter ends with the PAP decisively reversing the gains of the Workers\u2019 Party in the 2015 election as a result of their nation-wide \u2018Our Singapore Conversation\u2019 consultations - which in retrospect had little to no impact on actual policies. \nIn post-Marcos Philippines, popular energy combined with a more democratic mandate compels the Philippine state to react with reforms. Rodan outlines the debate and history around the Party List System (PLS) which allocates up to twenty percent of seats in the House of Representatives. This institution becomes a site of contestation between two groups of reformers, one who wanted greater electoral pluralism to allow smaller political parties to compete nationally, and another which wanted better sectoral representation for marginalised ethnic and subnational groups. In spite of their differences, their struggle comes to naught in the end as oligarchic elites, controlling the main bodies governing the PLS, were able to use their wealth and exploitation of \u201cparticularist ideologies of regionalism\u201d to win those same PLS seats. \nParticipatory budgeting or bottom-up budgeting (BUB) arose out of a desire to address poverty and arrest corruption in the Philippines. While BUB appeared to be an attractive democratic initiative to the Philippine people and international observers, in reality it created tension within the CSO community. This was a result of ideological differences between leftist reformers who wanted to democratise what they saw as fundamentally undemocratic state institutions of poverty alleviation and development, and market-oriented moderate reformers who were focused on problem solving and the efficiency of public policies. As with the PLS, this struggle took place alongside the fight against powerful oligarchic elites benefitting from local patronage and corruption. Rodan sums it up best, \u201cat its very essence, this was a struggle over whether BUB contained or facilitated substantial changes to the operation of state power. \u201d In the end, after all the debates and bureaucratic hurdles, BUB\u2019s was abolished as one of the first acts of Duterte\u2019s presidency. \nThe Malaysian state\u2019s foray into consultative incorporation was a reaction to economic crises (1985, 1998, 2008), internal friction within the National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition and within its dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). The first 150-member National Economic Consultative Council (NECC), comprising politicians from all sides and various sectors of civil society, was convened to chart a post-NEP economic policy. A second similarly-sized NECC was established in 1999 but with a far less inclusive and more partisan composition. The latest attempt in 2009 was the technocratic 10-member National Economic Advisory Council which led public consultations that had the participation of thousands. All three cases resulted in calls for more \u2018liberal\u2019 market reforms and a needs-based affirmative action program, and every time they were shut down by UMNO leaders because it ran counter to their material and ideological interests. This consistent failure to contain the economic demands of elites and popular forces allowed dissent to be channeled into opposition politics and more independent MOPs. \nThe only non-state sponsored MOP that the book expounds on is the Malaysian coalitions around electoral reforms (Bersih) and local council elections. The issue of civil society actors and professionals being elected to local councils became a battleground between the technocratic-minded middle-class CSO community and the pragmatic opposition political parties who feared dilution of their control over local councils. This was exacerbated by one coalition party, the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), who didn\u2019t even consider the elections due to fears of Chinese domination of the councils. It was this particularist ideology of PAS that would go on to fracture the Bersih movement. The movement was a multiracial coalition, comprising of the opposition coalition parties and civil society, putting forth demands for free and fair elections. As PAS suffered losses in the 2013 elections, they redoubled their efforts to match UMNO in ethno-religious politics, lobbying for Islamic law to be introduced in the northern state of Kelantan. This resulted in tensions within the coalition which culminated in its collapse and, more importantly, the draining of Malay support for the Bersih movement. With PAS\u2019s withdrawal, UMNO could now claims that Bersih was a Chinese-led ploy to usurp power from the Malays.\nWhile Rodan does a good job of providing a snapshot of these institutions in action and in reaction to capitalism\u2019s disruptive effects, it is my sense that more can be done in capturing the economic context in which they happen, developing a stronger narrative of why the institution were needed at the moment that they were. Changes in key economic indicators like the median wage, unemployment rate or GINI coefficient, at key moments of the narrative would give readers a better picture of the scale of disruption taking place. One example of how this can be done is seen in Cassey Lee\u2019s recent Economic Working Paper for ISEAS\u2013Yusof Ishak Institute, in which Lee highlights a correlation between rising inflation and unemployment in the years and months before the historic 14th general elections in Malaysia, and the end of dominant party rule. \nThis book is well worth the read for anyone interested in political theory as it is light on jargon and presents a clear, concise yet detailed narrative. It elegantly makes the point that these new, often state-sponsored MOPs - framed in consultative, democratic and particularist ideologies of representation - may appear to expand the democratic space but in reality, contain or dissipate dissenting forces. Prof Rodan shows that these institutions concentrate the contradictions between the associated actors and their respective ideologies. However, one important discussion that the book eschews is an analysis of the state itself, and specifically the capitalist state, as a site of contestation that intrinsically resists challenges to its rule. In light of that, to those interested in social change, Participation Without Democracy implicitly elicits the question - can the state actually facilitate radical reforms, or must the state itself be smashed and rebuilt?'> \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>by Jeremy Lim<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"templates\/template-full-width.php","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[39,9,40,38,34,41],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v18.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Manufacturing Hegemony and Fracturing Opposition - Imagined Malaysia Review<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/review.imagined.my\/?p=70\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Manufacturing Hegemony and Fracturing Opposition - 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